{"id":161,"date":"2015-03-16T08:52:36","date_gmt":"2015-03-16T08:52:36","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.seunkolade.com\/?p=161"},"modified":"2015-08-13T12:05:59","modified_gmt":"2015-08-13T12:05:59","slug":"nigeria-another-way","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/seunkolade.com\/?p=161","title":{"rendered":"Nigeria: another way"},"content":{"rendered":"
Introduction<\/strong><\/p>\n The modern nation of Nigeria was born in 1960 amidst fanfare. As of then, forty six years had elapsed since the British amalgamation, in 1914, of the Northern and Southern Protectorates of Nigeria. The nationalist fathers fought a good fight, and it is instructive that diaspora students were at the heart of those nationalist struggles. For example, in 1925, Ladipo Solanke established the West African Students’ Union in the United Kingdom, and by the early 1930s it has spread throughout Nigeria and the rest of British West Africa(Falola & Heaton 2008)[1]<\/a> . These student organisations, along with other nationalist groups within and outside Nigeria, played significant role in the struggle for independence.<\/p>\n Our nationalist forebears dreamt of a nation freed from the shackles of colonialism, a nation ready to unleash its potentials and show the way for the rest of African countries, and indeed, the rest of the developing world. Pan-Africanism was on the rise. There was so much hope, so much enthusiasm, so much optimism for what lay ahead.<\/p>\n Alas, no sooner had the dream began than it turned into a nightmare! Admittedly, much of this was to do with the ideological battles that defined international relations following the Second World War, in particular the battle between revolutionary socialism and capitalism, which reached its peak in the Cold War. African countries, freshly emerging from colonial rule, were caught in the middle of this ideological war of attrition. But we’ll leave this for a moment.<\/p>\n For the main story of Africa’s dashed dream cannot\u00a0be attributed solely or mainly to external forces, however significant those forces were. And yes, they were significant. When we consider the fact that the pre-independence nationalists also had a big challenge on their hands, and they ultimately managed to surmount them, we have to say that, in the end, in the same way that the pre-independence nationalist fathers are rightly praised for their valiant efforts, so also must their post-independence successors take responsibility for their failures.<\/p>\n A wasted generation<\/strong><\/p>\n Make no mistake: their failures were hugely significant, not only in the context of their times, but in the light of what followed thereafter. For it is telling that the years immediately preceding and following independence witnessed more significant development and harmonious relationships between the constituent parts of the nation. Nigeria, then a confederacy of three regions, witnessed significant economic and human development as the constituent regions competed in healthy rivalry among themselves. What worked in one region was speedily replicated in the other. It was a period of hugely successful agrarian reform, and significant investment in public infrastructures across the various regions. But then the clouds of despair soon began to gather.<\/p>\n The political elite, unlike their pre-independence forebears, began to see political power, not as an instrument of popular liberation and citizens\u2019 empowerment, but they began to reconstruct power as an instrument of personal aggrandisement and selective empowerment of their cronies and family members. In the pursuit of this selfish agenda, they resorted to underhand means to keep themselves in power. No region was spared from the desperate antics of these power seekers. Alliances were forged mainly on this premise \u2013 North, South, East and West. The embers of ethnic discord were being fanned with reckless abandon.<\/p>\n <\/p>\n Then a section of the Nigerian army intervened, their intervention becoming more remarkable for its messy execution than the lofty idealism that may have underpinned it. A counter coup followed, attended by a most unfortunate pogrom of innocent citizens of Eastern extraction. Then the seven year old nation was plunged into a tragic civil war, which, according to some estimates, claimed about three million souls.<\/p>\n The civil war was a defining moment in the history of the Nigerian nation, and the problems leading to the war were precipitated and aggravated by a set of political elites that recklessly abandon the lofty dream handed over to them, leaving a big mess in their wake. The following decades have been, by and large, dedicated to clearing up that mess. Even now, the legacy of a missed opportunity seems intractable. For, these political elites, standing at a strategic point in history, had they been foresighted, focused, and visionary, they would set the right tone and agenda for the nation’s future. They would have properly institutionalised the military and keep them away from what has turned out to be disastrous interventions in politics and governance. Instead, they have inflicted great damage on the commonwealth, and actively collaborated with politically ambitious military to do more damage. As a member of that generation aptly puts it, they are the wasted generation. With some much opportunity to shape the future, they fluffed their lines. The dream they turned into night mare.<\/p>\n A new opportunity beckons<\/strong><\/p>\n But we are not here, ladies and gentlemen, to lament and moan about the past, much as we seek to draw valuable lessons from it. We are here, on the other hand, to contemplate the new opportunity that is laid before this generation. With that opportunity comes an even bigger responsibility to get it right, not only in the interest of posterity, but also for the strategic survival of now.<\/p>\n The Cold War is gone. Even with all the recent rumblings in Ukraine and the conflicting interests of Russia and Europe, we know this is not some re-enactment of the Cold War between Western Capitalism and Revolutionary Socialism. China has embraced free market, tweaking it to suit its particular purposes. It has prospered greatly thereby. Globalisation presents a unique opportunity to the current generation of Nigerians to shape the future, and define what comes ahead. Yes, we have seen the forces of globalisation aggravating poverty and misery in some parts of the world, aided sometimes by ill-thought and badly executed interventions of international agencies like the IMF. We have also seen the other side of globalisation, exemplified by ordinary people in poor countries of the world seizing the initiative and spearheading programmes and intervention to expand opportunities for their people and free them from the shackles of oppression and poverty. The story of Grameen Bank, founded in Bangladesh, showed that ordinary people can dream and successfully execute and sustain original initiatives to fight poverty and promote real economic growth.<\/p>\n Yes, it is true that there are enormous challenges that stand in the way. Arguably, at the very top of this is the challenge of visionary and accountable leadership. As we have observed, Nigeria has been plagued for so long with corrupt and rudderless leadership. \u00a0It has gone on for so long that it has almost become the norm, and even among educated people, the bar has been set so low in terms of expectation from political leaders. I shall refrain from making any criticism or endorsement of one or the other political party, but it is clear to all that the coming election is potentially an important landmark rebooting and setting the nation aright. At this critical time, the nation will either fall off the precipice, with tragic and drastic consequences, or it will rise with renewed vigour on its certain march to glory. There is no middle ground.<\/p>\n Let me hasten to say, at this juncture, that the current obsession with one or the other political party misses the point of how the current generation should engage with the political process. I will go on and add, in response to those who have proposed this other alternative, that replacing parties with personalities does not cut it either. We have been told, in fairly elegant and eloquent terms, that people should vote for personalities that they deem capable of delivering outcomes, without too much focus on the parties to which they belong. I proposed a third way, and I will like to think it is a more excellent way.<\/p>\n This third way is fundamentally about citizens seizing the opportunity on setting the agenda for national development. It does not stop there, however, for, on various levels and at different points, citizens have tried to participate in setting the agenda for many years. What has been missing, in sufficient and adequate measure, is a nationwide, citizen led, grassroots-oriented system of rigorous and sustained monitoring of performance, post-election. Citizens should commit as much energy to mobilising for election as they do for setting agenda at local and national levels. More importantly, they should commit even more energy and resources to a sustained campaign and process of continuous monitoring and evaluation of performance based on set agenda.<\/p>\n \u00a0<\/strong>Organisation is key<\/strong><\/p>\n Organising is key to all these. All movements for positive change in history have been underpinned by effective organisation of the masses of the people. This is the case up with the French, American and Russian revolutions. It is the same with the American civil rights movement of the twentieth century, led by the renown Dr Martin Luther King Jr. The success of revolutionary movements have always owed as much to the success of their organisation as much as to the galvanising power of the message. It is by means of effective organisation that the critical mass can be mobilised to overturn a repressive status quo and establish a new order for progress and prosperity.<\/p>\n Now, of course, there is nothing entirely new in this emphasis on the power of organisation. In so many ways, this association, in this university, is a testament and a reminder of positive things that can happen when people come together with well-defined objectives and clear sense of purpose. What I seek to do here is draw your attention to certain aspects of the current mobilisation for change that has hindered and weakened the collective clamour for positive change:<\/p>\n <\/p>\n Conclusion: new approach, new mind-set<\/strong><\/p>\n Let us now try and bring all these thoughts together in a final word. Nigeria’s past is a story of unfulfilled dreams, of failed promises and dashed hopes. We made a false start, and made an even bigger mess thereafter. But even in this apparently gloomy shadow we see signs of a great future. It is, for example, a worthy testament of the resilience and dynamism of its people that Nigeria has survived today, largely in spite of its leaders, who, as a member of the political elite recently stated, “do not give a damn!”<\/p>\n <\/p>\n But the story to which we have today summoned our collective contemplation is not the one of a failed past but of a promising future. Nigeria has got the numbers, in terms of the people, the land and the resources to take on the world. However, these resources are but dry bones. Now we need to summon the sinews of concrete ideas and the spirit of an inspired and determined citizenry to inject life into these dry bones, and reap enormous progress and prosperity into the bargain.<\/p>\n There is a different vision and dream that lie ahead of us. Nigeria can be the arrowhead of an industrial revolution and economic transformation in Africa. More than that, it can become an economic power house in a real sense, with millions lifted out of poverty to prosperity, and the nation taking the rest of the continent on a sure and certain journey to prosperity. Nigeria can be the bastion of freedom, justice and equity, an example of great and noble things, a corrective to some of the tragic inequalities we have seen in even some of the developed countries of the world today. This is a realistic goal, and we can make it happen.<\/p>\n To do this requires a new mind-set and a new approach to doing things. We must consciously and conscientiously fight the deadly virus of ethnic and religious division. We must eschew nepotism, and fully embrace the noble ideals of accountability and transparency in all levels of public and corporate responsibility, from political office to civil service and the private sector. We must cultivate and maintain new attitudes of tolerance and respect for our differences with as much steadiness as we repudiate corruption and mediocrity with utmost vehemence.<\/p>\n This is Nigeria, another way.<\/p>\n Thank you very much for your attention and God bless!<\/p>\n Seun Kolade, PhD<\/p>\n Research Fellow, Centre for African Entrepreneurship and Leadership University of Wolverhampton E:\u00a0Seun.Kolade@wlv.ac.uk<\/a><mailto:Seun.Kolade@wlv.ac.uk<\/a>><\/p>\n <\/p>\n <\/p>\n\n
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